Rhetoric, emancipation and context
As expected, your Missouri History Museum’s exquisite exhibit Lee and Grant is sparking the kind of discussion about the iconic generals, the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln and slavery that sends people scurrying for additional information. Additionally, a column published recently in this space also triggered some reactions from readers with strong opinions about slavery and the major players in the Civil War.
One, in particular, seemed to be steeped in research “proving” that President Lincoln did not free the slaves.
“Lincoln was not responsible for ending slavery in America,” writes Bob Barton of St Peters. “His Emancipation Proclamation of 1862, did no such thing, nor was it intended to.”
This is not new information. There is no doubt that the Emancipation Proclamation did not end slavery. After all, it was aimed at the rebel states and was designed to break their economic backs. Barton points out, correctly, that in Lincoln’s mind, slavery was not the central problem to be solved – saving the Union was paramount.
Lincoln is unequivocal in his letter to Horace Greeley in 1862 that his effort “is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union.”
Mr. Barton also points out that four years earlier President Lincoln clearly espoused racist views in declaring, “I am not … in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races.” Lincoln went on to say, “There is a physical difference between the white and black races, which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.”
What Mr. Barton’s letter fails to do is to put these comments into context.
First, during the Civil War, Lincoln understood the devastating effect freeing slaves in the Confederacy would have on the South’s ability to continue the war. Ending slavery, he felt, would hasten an end to the war.
Second, the evidence is clear that Lincoln opposed the idea of slavery from a very young age – but he was also a politician. When he compared the equality of blacks and whites, he was in a debate with Stephen Douglas. Perhaps Lincoln truly believed what he was saying, but based on his political life, one would have to conclude that he knew, given the climate at the time, it would have been political suicide to indicate blacks and whites were on the same evolutionary and social plane.
Barton also claims that Lincoln was no friend of slaves because he explored the idea of deporting freed slaves to Liberia.
True. But he quickly abandoned the idea as impractical. Additionally, most white politicians were looking for a way to solve the “Negro Problem.” The Liberia idea was one of many that were considered.
Barton also fails to recognize the friendship that developed between Lincoln and black abolitionist Frederick Douglass. Historians agree that Douglass exerted a great deal of influence over how Lincoln dealt with the question of slavery.
Douglass continued to push for inclusion of black troops in the Union Army. “The Union cause,” he said, “would never prosper until the war assumed an anti-slavery attitude and the Negro was enlisted on the side of the Union.” In 1863, Douglas’ plea became a reality with the raising of the legendary 54th Regiment of Colored Troops. Douglass personally recruited two companies of men that included two of his sons.
It was Douglass who met with Lincoln in the White House and listed three complaints: black soldiers should receive equal pay, be treated fairly (especially when captured by Confederates) and receive the same promotions and medals as whites. Within days of the complaints, Lincoln ordered “that for every soldier of the U.S. killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works.”
By the time the war ended, black soldiers were getting equal pay and were earning promotions.
Of the more than 200,000 black Americans who served in the Union Army in the last two years of the war, more than 30,000 died.
When Lincoln was assassinated, no person took it harder than Frederick Douglass. He spoke at a meeting in Rochester, N.Y. to mourn the fallen president. A friend described Douglass’ tribute: “I never heard truer eloquence; I never saw profounder impression. When he finished the meeting was done.”
No group mourned Lincoln more than the millions of newly freed slaves.
No matter Lincoln’s intentions, he did what he did and black Americans are unlikely to withdraw their respect for him, because they understand the context of his words within the framework of the times.
Last Take
See Lee and Grant, now through Sept 14 at your Missouri History Museum. Call 314-946-4599 or online at www.mohistory.org.